Adi Schwartz

Einat Wilf

Two prominent Israeli leftists argue that the conflict between Israel and Palestine cannot end until Palestinians give up the idea of "right of return." In 1948, over eight hundred thousand Palestinians fled their homes in order to escape the Israeli War of Independence. They brought their keys with them, hoping to return home after the dust settled. More than seventy years later, most of those homes are gone, but several million Palestinian "refugees" are still living in camps, and they still have their keys. No one has ever explained why this group, unlike countless others that were displaced in the aftermath of World War II, has remained unsettled. This issue, known as the "right of return," is the single largest obstacle to lasting peace between Palestine and Israel. In The War of Return, Adi Schwartz and Einat Wilf make the case that this conflict will never end until the Palestinians abandon the right of return once and for all. In this deeply-researched and unbiased political history, the authors—both liberal Israelis strongly in favor of a two-state solution—reveal the origins of this concept, prove that it has no legal or moral standing whatsoever, and argue that a two state solution will never be possible until the Palestinians give it up. They also make an impassioned call for the United States, the UN, and the EU to recognize this fact for the good of the Palestinian people and global peace. A runaway bestseller in Israel, the first English translation of The War of Return is certain to spark lively debate throughout the Jewish community in America and abroad.

How Western Indulgence of the Palestinian Dream Has Obstructed the Path to Peace

The War of Return

From the United Nations to the media, and from academia to international NGOs, the attacks on Israel's legitimacy as the nation-state of the Jewish people are growing. To win this war of words, Israel's defenders must be able to clearly explain the ideas and circumstances that led to the creation of modern Israel and underpin its existence today. In this single-volume collection, Dr. Einat Wilf does just that, presenting her top essays on the Middle East, Israel, Zionism, and public diplomacy. In the book's opening chapter, "The Dangerous Unraveling of the Middle East," Wilf explains that the violent upheaval in the Middle East of today will take decades to sort itself out and that Israel should position itself as a "neutral bunker" in the region. In chapter two, "The International Community and the Limits of Good Intentions," Wilf urges world powers to reexamine the paradigm through which they approach the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Wilf focuses on the negative role played by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which makes peace harder to achieve by inflating the number of Palestinian refugees and encouraging them to believe that Israel will one day disappear. In chapter three, "A Vision for Peace," Wilf presents a formula for Israeli-Palestinian peace based on the concept of "two states for two peoples" - a Jewish state for the Jewish people, and a Palestinian state for the Palestinian people, with each people enjoying dignity and sovereignty in their own national home. She also presents an inclusive vision of Zionism in which Jews, Christians, and Muslims live in harmony with a shared purpose. In chapter four, "Telling Our Story," Wilf reminds readers that the story of the Zionist movement is among the most inspiring dramas in human history and that it can continue to move people today. With this in mind, Wilf insists that the creation of Israel must not be portrayed as the outcome of the Holocaust, because such "Zionism denial" robs the Jewish people of their role in reviving their ancient homeland in the decades before World War II. Also in this chapter, Wilf shares her experiences as a "roving ambassador" for Israel and offers advice on how best to make Israel's case for an audience that is eager for more than sound bites. In the concluding chapter, "On Other Matters: Elections, Education, and Entitlement," Wilf defends her contrarian position that Israel's electoral system is no worse than other democratic countries' systems and should not be reformed. She also shares her thoughts on how to improve Israel's education system by focusing on the fundamentals rather than sweeping reforms. Finally, she ends with some advice for recent graduates on how to achieve their life's dreams.

Essays on Zionism and Israel

Winning the War of Words

The story of Israel and Zionism has been hijacked, disfigured, and trampled upon. It has been deliberately replaced by a story about sinister ideologies and evil motivations. When this tale of evil becomes the reigning story, peace becomes ever less possible, since evil is not to be negotiated with, but defeated. If peace is ever to be made, the story of Israel and Zionism is to be told anew. In this book, Dr. Einat Wilf does just that, demonstrating in the process how the true telling of the story of Israel and Zionism opens the path to peace with the Palestinians and the entire Arab and Muslim world. In the book's opening chapter, "Telling Our Story," Wilf provides a context, telling the story of the Jewish people's right to self-determination in their homeland and how through deliberate Jewish action - not foreign hand-outs or Holocaust-motivated guilt - the State of Israel was born. This story of the Zionist movement remains among the most inspiring dramas in human history: although dealt some of the worst cards in history, through force of vision, desire and work, the Jewish people returned to history as active agents and shaped a future in which they are not the victims of others. This story is crucial to understanding the importance of the Jewish state to the Jewish people, as well as in its broader ability to inspire people throughout the world. In chapter two, "On Why There Is No Peace," Wilf examines why decades after the establishment of the State of Israel conflict continues to persist with no end in sight. The core of her argument is that the requisite condition for any solution - whether it be a one-state or two-state solution - is for both sides of the conflict to recognize the equal rights of the other as collectives and individuals to all of the land, and the acceptance that neither can have the land in its entirety. As this requisite is absent - specifically on the Arab side - compromise, and thereby peace, has not been viable. In chapter three, "On What Israel Should Do," Wilf explores the steps Israel should take towards peace. Wilf argues that although peace may not be viable now, Israel should prepare for the hopeful eventuality of the creation of two states for two peoples between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River. Israel should do this by specifically delineating its eastern border - including the annexation of the large Jewish settlement blocks that are contiguous to the Green Line - and renouncing is territorial claims beyond that eastern border. Given the very real security issues that Israel faces, however, she should implement a policy of continued military occupation until she feels there is a partner for peace on the Palestinian side. This policy is one of "yes to the occupation, no to the settlements," east of that border. Regarding Jerusalem, Wilf clarifies that the only place where controversy persists is in regard to the Old City. The status of the Old City will be determined through a final peace agreement, but the status of the overwhelming majority of Jerusalem can already be specified; and that final peace agreement, Wilf explains, would be in a much better position if the ambiguity regarding the Old City did not spill over into the issue of Jerusalem as a whole. In the concluding chapter, "On What the International Community Should Do," Wilf explores what roles and policies might be pursued by the international community. Foremost, however, Wilf posits that it is critical for the international community to understand that the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, between Jews and Arabs in the Middle East, rests on serious issues that go to the core of matters of each other's sense of justice, history, and identity. Additionally, it is most important to bear in mind that Israelis, Palestinians, and Arabs are sovereign agents who need to determine their future for themselves and by themselves.

Recent Essays on Zionism, the Middle East, and the Path to Peace

Telling Our Story

Adi Schwartz 

Em 1948, 700 mil palestinos foram forçados a deixar seus lares depois da primeira guerra árabe-israelense. Mais de 70 anos depois, a maioria de suas casas não existe mais, mas milhões de seus descendentes ainda estão registrados como refugiados, vivendo em campos destinados a eles. Esse grupo – diferentemente de vários outros que foram deslocados no pós-Segunda Guerra e outros conflitos – permaneceu desterrado, exigindo assentar-se no Estado de Israel. Sua crença no direito ao retorno é um dos maiores obstáculos a uma diplomacia bem-sucedida e uma paz duradoura na região. Em A Guerra do Retorno, Adi Schwartz e Einat Wilf – ambos israelenses liberais apoiadores da Solução de dois Estados – revelam as origens da ideia do direito ao retorno e explicam como a Agência das Nações Unidas para Assistência aos Refugiados da Palestina no Oriente Próximo, aquela justamente encarregada de encontrar uma solução para os refugiados, cedeu à pressão política internacional, dos palestinos e dos árabes para criar um problema eterno de “refugiados”. Os autores argumentam que a demanda palestina por um “direito ao retorno” não tem base moral ou legal e fazem um apelo emocionado aos Estados Unidos, à ONU e à União Europeia para que reconheçam esse fato, pelo bem tanto dos israelenses quanto dos palestinos.

Einat Wilf

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