Jim Smyth

The essays in this volume, by leading experts in the fields of Irish and British history, politics, and international studies, explore the ways in which competing "social" or "collective memories" of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" continue to shape the post-conflict political landscape

Contesting the Recent Past in Northern Ireland

Remembering the Troubles

The essays in this collection focus on United Irish propaganda and organisation before and during the 1798 rebellion.

Ireland in the 1790s

Revolution, Counter-Revolution and Union

Britain in the 1950s had a distinctive political and intellectual climate. It was the age of Keynesianism, of welfare state consensus, incipient consumerism, and, to its detractors - the so-called 'Angry Young Men' and the emergent New Left - a new age of complacency. While Prime Minister Harold Macmillan famously remarked that 'most of our people have never had it so good', the playwright John Osborne lamented that 'there aren't any good, brave causes left'.Philosophers, political scientists, economists and historians embraced the supposed 'end of ideology' and fetishized 'value-free' technique and analysis. This turn is best understood in the context of the cultural Cold War in which 'ideology' served as shorthand for Marxist, but it also drew on the rich resources and traditions of English empiricism and a Burkean scepticism about abstract theory in general. Ironically, cultural critics and historians such as Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson showed at this time that the thick catalogue of English moral, aesthetic and social critique could also be put to altogether different purposes. Jim Smyth here shows that, despite being allergic to McCarthy-style vulgarity, British intellectuals in the 1950s operated within powerful Cold War paradigms all the same.

Intellectuals, the Media and the Practice of History

Cold War Culture

This is a study of the popular dimensions of Irish radicalism in the age of the French revolution. It focuses on the lower-class secret society, the Defenders, which diverged from the older patterns of rural unrest associated with the Whiteboys, by developing political aspirations. This book also looks at the more familiar face of radicalism in this period, the Society of United Irishmen, at their role in the Catholic Committee and at their uneasy relationship with Defenderism. Particular attention is paid to the vigorous traditions of street protest in 18th century Dublin, the second city of the British empire. The picture which merges is of a revolutionary movement which was both more radical in its rhetoric and objectives and more popular in its social base than has previously been allowed.

Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century

The Men of No Property

The paperback edition of the extremely popular The Men of No Property is a study of the popular dimensions of Irish radicalism in the age of the French revolution. It focuses on the lower-class secret society, the Defenders, and the more familiar face of radicalism in this period, the Society of United Irishmen. Particular attention is paid to the vigorous traditions of street protest in eighteenth-century Dublin. The picture which emerges is of a revolutionary movement which was both more radical in its rhetoric and objectives and more popular in its social base than has previously been allowed.

Daniel Waley

Lecturer Cturer Department of History Peter Denley

The three kingdoms or 'four nations' which became the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801 have distinct, but not separate, histories. Sensitive questions of religion, local loyalty, and allegiance to the state, shaped politics within and between the four nations - and still give an edge to politics in parts of modern Britain. In 1660, the restoration of Charles II to all three of his kingdoms, was followed by an attempt to impose religious uniformity across his kingdoms. It failed. The make-up of the British Isles was too diverse. Tories, Jacobites, radicals and Whigs each had strong links to a Church or religious faction. Politics and religion could intermingle dangerously. Fear of popery was a major cause of the revolution of 1688, and at the beginning of the eighteenth century Presbyterians led Scottish opposition to a union until they were recognised as an established church. At the end of the century the architects of the act of union with Ireland hoped, finally, to resolve the 'Catholic Question', but (as it does today) constitutional change brought issues of national identity to the fore. The eighteenth century witnessed the triumph of unionism on the larger island, and the rise of nationalism and separatism across the Irish sea. "The Making of the United Kingdom" seeks to explain that crucial divergence, and gives an incisive account of the forging of Britishness the sense of a new nation. Jim Smyth is Professor of History, University of Notre Dame."

State, Religion and Identity in Britain and Ireland

The Making of the United Kingdom, 1660-1800

The historian A. T. Q. Stewart once remarked that in Ireland all history is applied history—that is, the study of the past prosecutes political conflict by other means. Indeed, nearly twenty years after the 1998 Belfast Agreement, "dealing with the past" remains near the top of the political agenda in Northern Ireland. The essays in this volume, by leading experts in the fields of Irish and British history, politics, and international studies, explore the ways in which competing "social" or "collective memories" of the Northern Ireland "Troubles" continue to shape the post-conflict political landscape. The contributors to this volume embrace a diversity of perspectives: the Provisional Republican version of events, as well as that of its Official Republican rival; Loyalist understandings of the recent past as well as the British Army's authorized for-the-record account; the importance of commemoration and memorialization to Irish Republican culture; and the individual memory of one of the noncombatants swept up in the conflict. Tightly specific, sharply focused, and rich in local detail, these essays make a significant contribution to the burgeoning literature of history and memory. The book will interest students and scholars of Irish studies, contemporary British history, memory studies, conflict resolution, and political science. Contributors: Jim Smyth, Ian McBride, Ruan O’Donnell, Aaron Edwards, James W. McAuley, Margaret O’Callaghan, John Mulqueen, and Cathal Goan.

Graham Ellison

'Baghdad Bulletin takes us where mainstream news accounts do not go. Disrupting the easy cliches that dominate US journalism, Enders blows away the media fog of war.' Norman Soloman

Policing Northern Ireland

The Crowned Harp

This book is a detailed analysis of policing in Northern Ireland. Tracing its history from 1922, Ellison and Smyth portray the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) as an organisation burdened by its past as a colonial police force.They analyse its perceived close relationship with unionism and why, for many nationalists, the RUC embodied the problem of the legitimacy of Northern Ireland, arguing that decisions made on the organisation, composition and ideology of policing in the early years of the state had consequences which went beyond the everyday practice of policing.Examining the reorganisations of the RUC in the 1970s and 1980s, Ellison and Smyth focus on the various structural, legal and ideological components, the professionalisation of the force and the development of a coherent, if contradictory, ideology.

Jim Smyth

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