John Bew

Professor of History and Foreign Policy John Bew

'Easily the best single-volume, cradle-to-grave life of Clement Attlee yet written.' Andrew Roberts 'Fascinating . . . He writes with flair and considerable intellectual confidence' Jason Cowley, Financial TImes 'He has written with verve and confidence a first-rate life . . . What a life and what a man' Daniel Finkelstein, Times 'Outstanding . . .Bew's achievement is not only to bring this curious and introverted man to life but to make him oddly loveable' Robert Harris, Sunday Times The gallons of ink spilled on Winston Churchill - and the huge appetite for books about him - have created something of an imbalance in our understanding of twentieth-century Britain. Not only does Clement Attlee's life deserve to have a rightful place alongside the Churchill legend. It is also more emblematic, and more representative, of Britain in his time. It is difficult to think of another individual through whom one can better tell the story of how Britain changed from the high imperialism of Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee of 1897, through two world wars, the great depression, the nuclear age and the Cold War, and the transition from empire into commonwealth. The story of Attlee is also much more dramatic than he himself ever made out - and not without an element of heroism. Here was a man born in the governing class who devoted his life to the service of the poor; who was carried off the battlefield three times in the First World War; who stood shoulder to shoulder with Churchill at Britain's darkest moment, and then triumphed over him at the general election of 1945. His government of 1945-51 included Ernest Bevin, Herbert Morrison and Nye Bevan and was the most radical in history, giving us the NHS, National Insurance, NATO and the atomic bomb. In many ways we still live in a world of Attlee's creation. This book will pierce the reticence of Attlee and explore the intellectual foundations and core beliefs of one of the most important figures in twentieth-century British history, arguing that he remains underappreciated, rather than simply underestimated. It will reveal a public servant and patriotic socialist, who never lost sight of the national interest and whose view of humanity and belief in solidarity was grafted onto the Union Jack.

A Biography of Attlee

Citizen Clem

Part I. Patriot, citizen, soldier, 1889-1918 -- Introduction: the red flag -- With apologies to Rudyard Kipling -- News from nowhere -- The soldier -- Part II. The making of a politician, 1918-1931 -- Looking backward -- Building Jerusalem -- Fame is the spur -- Part III. Albion's troubles, 1931-1940 -- The Bullion family -- The anti-Cromwell -- The Major Attlee company and the clenched-fist salute -- A word to Winston -- Part IV. Finest hour, 1940-1945 -- All behind you, Winston -- The hunting of the snark -- The invisible man -- Part V. New Jerusalem, New Deal, 1945-1947 -- To hope till hope creates -- English traits, American problems -- The British New Deal -- Empire into commonwealth -- Part VI. After New Jerusalem, 1948-1955 -- In Barchester all is not well -- Taxis, teeth and hospital beds -- The pilgrim's progress -- Part VII. Mission's end, 1955-1967 -- Few thought he was even a starter -- Epilogue: the promised land

The Man who Made Modern Britain

Clement Attlee

Realpolitik is approaching its 160th birthday, though it has existed as a form of statecraft for centuries and is arguably as old as the conduct of foreign affairs itself. Associated with great thinkers from Machiavelli to Kissinger, it is deeply rooted in the history of diplomacy yet alsoremains strikingly relevant to debates on contemporary foreign policy in the Obama administration today. Despite the fact that Realpolitik has had something of a renaissance in recent years, however, it remains a surprisingly elusive notion, defying easy categorization. In this concise book, John Bew aims to address this gap, offering a history of the concept of Realpolitik in the English-speaking world: its origins as an idea; its practical application to statecraft in the recent past; and its relevance to the foreign policy challenges facing the United States andits allies in the future. Now most often associated with the conduct of foreign policy, Realpolitik has traditionally had pejorative connotations in the English-speaking world and sits uneasily alongside notions of "enlightenment," "morality" and "virtue." But it has also had its defenders, admirersand exponents, who regard it as the best tool for the successful wielding of political power and the preservation of global order. As such, Realpolitik has both successes and failures to its name, as Bew's comprehensive and even-handed overview displays.Bew begins by charting the evolution of the idea through the work of important thinkers or statesmen from Machiavelli, Cardinal de Richelieu, and Thomas Hobbes up through Carl Schmitt, Kissinger, and Dennis Ross. He then examines how Realpolitik has been evoked and operationalized in US and UKforeign policy during specific episodes in the twentieth century, looking at such cases as the overthrow of Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh in 1953, and President Nixon's visit to the People's Republic of China in 1972 - often taken as the archetypal instance of Realpolitik in action. Bewthen uses this historical platform to look forward to emerging foreign policy challenges in a changing, multi-polar, geo-political scene - in which Realpolitik and agile statecraft seems as important as ever. Suggesting that there is a uniquely Anglo-American version of Realpolitik, which reflectsan attempt (not always a successful one) to reconcile Western ideological and moral norms with purely utilitarian conceptions of the national interest, Bew argues that a more accurate and sustainable version of Anglo-American Realpolitik is one that recognizes the draw Enlightenment values andideas.Directed at a broader audience of current policy-makers, legislators and commentators with an interest in foreign affairs, this is a brilliant introduction to an important topic from one of the field's rising stars.

A History

Realpolitik

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Or, the Stranger's Companion in a Tour Round London, Collected by a Gentleman [J. Bew?]

The Ambulator

At a moment when debates about the meaning of Britishness occupy the minds of government, think tanks, academics and the wider public, John Bew's book is a timely and scholarly contribution to this discussion. Covering a period of approximately eighty years, Bew focuses on an area which is often seen as an awkward anomaly in the history of the British and Irish nations. He describes how a deeply held civic British identity flourished on inauspicious foundations, among a people who had once rebelled against the British state. The Glory of Being Britons examines the transformation of political culture in nineteenth-century Belfast, a town which was once the centre of republicanism and rebellion in Ireland. Starting with the impact of the French Revolution - a cause of huge celebration in Belfast - the book describes how political and civic culture in the town became deeply immersed in the imagined community of the British nation after the Act of Union of 1801, allowing the author to provide a fresh perspective on the roots of Ulster unionist opposition to Home Rule. What caused this shift from 'Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity' to 'God Save the Queen'? While acknowledging the core sectarian divisions in Irish society, Bew places these developments in the wider context of the Westminster political system and debates about the United Kingdom's 'place in the world'. The book breaks new ground in examining how the formative 'nation-building' episodes in Britain - such as war, parliamentary reform, and social, economic and scientific advancement - played out in the unique context of Belfast and the surrounding area. Bew demonstrates that Belfast politics was about much more than Orange versus Green. Ultimately, however, he also explains how the exponents of this civic unionism struggled to make their voices heard as Britain and Ireland entered the age of mass democracy and traditional modes of identification began to reassert themselves, even before the Home Rule crisis began. This book will be of interest to students of both British and Irish history.

Civic Unionism in Nineteenth-century Belfast

The Glory of Being Britons

The ambulator; or, The stranger's companion in a tour round London, collected by a gentleman [J. Bew?].

**WINNER OF THE ORWELL PRIZE FOR POLITICAL WRITING** **WINNER OF THE ELIZABETH LONGFORD PRIZE FOR HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHY** *Book of the year: The Times, Sunday Times, New Statesman, Spectator, Evening Standard* 'Outstanding . . . We still live in the society that was shaped by Clement Attlee' Robert Harris, Sunday Times 'The best book in the field of British politics' Philip Collins, The Times 'Easily the best single-volume, cradle-to-grave life of Clement Attlee yet written' Andrew Roberts Clement Attlee was the Labour prime minister who presided over Britain's radical postwar government, delivering the end of the Empire in India, the foundation of the NHS and Britain's place in NATO. Called 'a sheep in sheep's clothing', his reputation has long been that of an unassuming character in the shadow of Churchill. But as John Bew's revelatory biography shows, Attlee was not only a hero of his age, but an emblem of it; and his life tells the story of how Britain changed over the twentieth century. Here, Bew pierces Attlee's reticence to examine the intellect and beliefs of Britain's greatest - and least appreciated - peacetime prime minister. This edition includes a new preface by the author in response to the 2017 general election.

The best political biography of the year' Jonathan Sumption, Spectator 'Wonderful . . . A Life so nearly complete it need never be written again' Ferdinand Mount, Times Literary Supplement By the author of the Orwell Prize-winning Citizen Clem Damned in coruscating verse by Shelley and Byron, his coffin hissed at during his funeral, Lord Castlereagh has one of the blackest reputations in British history. But as John Bew shows, this is but a half-drawn portrait. His gripping biography reveals a shy, inarticulate but passionate man; a towering political figure of implacable principles who redrew the map of Europe, fought a duel with a cabinet colleague and would tragically take his own life amid rumours of scandal and madness.

The Biography of a Statesman

Castlereagh

A catalogue of chapmen's books, printed for and sold by J. Bew, at no. 28 in Paternoster-Row

Martyn Frampton

Inigo Gurruchaga

The peace agreement in Northern Ireland has been held up as a beacon for conflict resolution around the world. The lessons of Ulster have been applied by prime ministers, presidents, diplomats and intelligence agents to many areas of violent conflict, from Spain to Sri Lanka, from Afghanistan to Iraq and, frequently, the Israel-Palestine crisis. From Belfast to Basra, the notion that it is necessary to engage in dialogue with one's enemies has been fetishised across the political spectrum. Talking to terrorists is a necessary pre-requisite to peace, it is argued, and governments should avoid rigid pre-conditions in their attempt to bring in the extremes. But does this understanding really reflect what happened in Northern Ireland? Moreover, does it apply to other areas where democratic governments face threats from terrorist organisations, such as in the Basque region of northern Spain? In challenging this notion, the authors offer an analytical history of the transition from war to peace in Northern Ireland, and compare the violent conflict in the Basque country over the same period, demonstrating how events there have developed very differently than the advocates of 'the Northern Ireland model' might presume. The authors recognise that governments have often talked to terrorists and will continue to do so in the future. But they argue that what really matters is not the act of talking to terrorists itself but a range of other variables including the role of state actors, intelligence agencies, hard power and the wider democratic process. Above all, there is a crucial difference between talking to terrorists who believe that their strategy is succeeding and those who have been made to realise that their aims are unattainable by violence.

Making Peace in Northern Ireland and the Basque Country

Talking to Terrorists

Simon Sebag Montefiore

Monsters presents, in chronological order, grimly fascinating profiles of 101 notorious and profoundly sinister individuals whose actions have one thing in common - they have had a baleful and blood-soaked impact on the annals of world history. From Attila the Hun to Basil the Bulgar Slayer, from Pedro the Cruel to Ivan the Terrible, and from Richard III to Saddam Hussein, Monsters is a devilishly compelling gallery of history's greatest ghouls.

History's Most Evil Men and Women

Monsters

No British statesman of the nineteenth century reached the same level of international fame as Lord Castlereagh, or won as much respect from the great powers of Europe or America. Yet no British statesman has been so maligned by his contemporaries or hated by the public. His career took him from the brutal suppression of a bloody rebellion in Ireland to the splendour of Vienna and Paris. He imprisoned his former friends, abolished the Irish parliament, created the biggest British army in history, and redrew the map of Europe. At a time when the West turns from idealism to realism in its foreign policy, Castlereagh's reputation is being revived. Yet neither his detractors nor his defenders have truly understood this shy, inarticulate but sometimes passionate man. In this book, John Bew tells the story of Castlereagh from the French Revolution through the Irish rebellion, the Napoleonic Wars, the diplomatic power struggles of 1814-5 and the mental breakdown that ended his life. John Bew paints a magisterial portrait not only of his subject but the tumultuous times in which he acted. Rather than the tyrant of legend, Castlereagh was a man whose mind captured the complexity of the European Enlightenment as much as any other. His mind was conservative and enlightened at the same time - and no less the one for being the other.

John Bew

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