Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo

Chung Fun Steven Hung

Education reform has become a highly political issue in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) since the transfer of sovereignty to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Lo and Hung focus on the political struggles among stakeholders, including the government of Hong Kong, the Catholic Church, parents, students, teachers, the central authorities of Beijing, and even the bureaucratic politics between Beijing, the Hong Kong government and the Examination Authority. They examine the key elements of education reform in the HKSAR, including language and curriculum reform, national security education, civic and patriotic education, the rise of the pro-Beijing education elites and interest groups, and the revamp of examination questions and examination authority. The entire education reform in the HKSAR has pushed the Hong Kong education system toward a process of mainlandization, making Hong Kong’s education system more similar to the mainland system with emphasis on political "correctness" in the understanding of Chinese national security, history and culture. Highlighting the political struggles among the various stakeholders, this book is essential for scholars of Hong Kong and China, especially those with an interest in the relationship between education and politics.

The Politics of Education Reform in China’s Hong Kong

Steven Chung-Fun Hung

Jeff Hai-Chi Loo

This book explores the dynamics of China’s new united front work in Hong Kong. Mainland Chinese penetrative politics can be seen in the activities of local pro-Beijing political parties, clans and neighborhood associations, labor unions, women and media organizations, district federations, and some religious groups. However, united front work in the educational and youth sectors of civil society has encountered strong resistance because many Hong Kong people are post-materialistic and uphold their core values of human rights, the rule of law and transparency. China’s new united front work in Hong Kong has been influenced by its domestic turn toward “hard” authoritarianism, making Beijing see Hong Kong’s democratic activists and radicals as political enemies. Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” is drifting toward “one country, two mixed systems” with some degree of convergence. Yet, Taiwan and some foreign countries have seen China’s united front work as politically destabilizing and penetrative. This book will be of use to scholars, journalists, and observers in other countries seeking to reckon with Chinese influence.

Penetrative Politics and Its Implications

China's New United Front Work in Hong Kong

In China, the central government has the political will to control organized crime, which is seen as a national security threat. The crux of the problem is how to control local governments that have demonstrated lax enforcement without sufficient regulation from the provincial governments. The development of prostitution, underground gambling and narcotics production has become so serious that the central government has to rely on anti-crime campaigns to combat these "three evils". This book explores the specific role of government institutions and agencies, notably the police, in controlling organised and cross-border crime in Greater China. Drawing heavily on original empirical data, it compares the both the states of the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan, as well as city-states Hong Kong and Macao. This region has become increasingly economically integrated, and human interactions have been enhanced through improved trade relations, tourism, and increased individual freedom. The book argues that the regime capacity of crime control across Greater China has been expanded through regional and international police cooperation as well as anti-crime campaigns. It suggests that a strong central state in China is necessary to rein in the local states and to prevent the risk of deteriorating into a political-criminal nexus. Focusing on regime capacity in crime control, regime autonomy from crime groups, and regime legitimacy in the fight against organized crime, this thought-provoking book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics and criminology more broadly.

The Politics of Controlling Organized Crime in Greater China

A new era in the democracy movement in Hong Kong began on July 1, 2003, when half a million people protested on the streets, and has included the 2012 anti-National Education campaign, the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and the rapid rise of localist groups. The new democracy movement in Hong Kong is characterized by a diversity of interest groups calling for political reform, policy change and the territory’s autonomy vis-à-vis the central government in Beijing. These groups include lawyers, teachers, students, nativists, workers, Catholics, human rights activists, environmental activists and intellectuals. This book marks a new attempt at understanding the activities of the various interest groups in their quest for democratic participation, governmental responsiveness and openness. They are utilizing new and unconventional modes of political participation, such as the Occupy Central Movement, cross-class mobilization, the use of technology and cyberspace, and human rights activities with cross-boundary implications for China’s political development. The book will be useful to students, researchers, officials, diplomats and journalists interested in the political change of Hong Kong and the implications for mainland China.

Interest Groups and the New Democracy Movement in Hong Kong

This book shows that Hong Kong’s protests from June to December 2019 originated from not only an attempt to extradite a Hong Kong man involved in a Taiwan murder case, but also China’s effort at extraditing corrupt mainlanders who laundered dirty money in the territory. The mixture of peaceful and violent protests was due to the snowballing effect of protestors-police confrontations, the imbalanced way in which police exercised their power, and protestors’ strategies. The protests triggered the national security concerns of Beijing, which mobilized the People’s Armed Police to Shenzhen as a warning rather than sending them openly to Hong Kong to avoid undermining the image of “one country, two systems.” The entire debate raised the concerns of Washington, Taiwan, and foreign governments, heightening Beijing’s sensitivity. After the bill was withdrawn, the anti-extradition movement has become anti-police and anti-mainland, constantly challenging the legitimacy of the Hong Kong government and Beijing. This is a valuable read for China watchers, political scientists and all those interested in the future of East Asia.

The Anti-extradition Movement

The Dynamics of Peaceful and Violent Protests in Hong Kong

This book explores the characteristics of casino capitalism in Macau under Chinese sovereignty and administration. It argues that casino capitalism propelled the region’s economic prosperity and social stability in the period starting from the internationalization of the casino industry in 2002 to the end of 2019. However, casino capitalism also exacerbated the income gap between the rich and the poor. To tackle income inequality, the Macau developmental state combined casino capitalism with social welfarism. The region’s developmental state has been characterized by its relatively decisive leadership, its autonomy from the capitalist and working classes, and a comparatively weak civil society. China has encouraged Macau to shift from its overdependence on casino capitalism to economic diversification and integration with the Greater Bay Area. However, given Macau’s long-standing and profound dependence on casino capitalism, the path of economic diversification is destined to be long and difficult. As this book also argues, the Macau model of “one country, two systems” is a unique one which cannot be easily transplanted to Hong Kong, where the overdeveloped politics and assertive civil society are a far cry from Macau’s frozen politics and quiescent society.

Casino Capitalism, Society and Politics in China’s Macau

Ming K. Chan

The A to Z of the Hong Kong SAR and the Macao SAR includes maps, photographs, a list of acronyms, a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on important persons, places, and events as well as political, economic and social background. However, unlike the rest of the series, all these sections are presented in duplicate: one for Hong Kong and one for Macao. The authoritative analysis and informative data presented clearly elucidate the unique situation of these two territories.

Sonny Shiu-Hing Lo

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