Daniel Schmidt

The study extends the literature on venture capital by examining whether entrepreneur’s choice for an external investor and certain firm characteristics have an impact on venture success or not. The focus is set on the differences in value creation by venture capitalists and business angels for ventures of the high- and low-technology sector. The assessment of a data set including 252 Series A financing rounds by venture capitalist firms, business angels and collaborative investments of both investors conducted between 2005 and 2012 unveils value enhancing aspects for all three financing solutions. Overall, start-ups initially financed by venture capitalist firms perform best with regard to general venture success, whereas start-ups collaboratively supported by venture capitalists and business angels have the highest chances to exit successfully through a trade sale. It becomes further apparent that ventures located in one of the high-technology industries ‘internet’, ‘pharmaceuticals’ and ‘high-tech’, ventures that are longer established in the market and ventures whose Series A financing round was executed more recently indicate an enhanced likelihood of success.

Entrepreneur’s choice between Venture Capitalist and Business Angel for Start-Up Financing

Seminar paper from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 2,0, University of Twente (Political Institute ), 26 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: 1. Introduction The European Union (EU) has been a very heterogeneous building since the start. The difficult task is forming a party system which fits the different national parties in coalitions that are able to produce results. With the now 25 members this seems even more problematic, since the states of Eastern Europe have a tradition that differs significantly from the countries in Northern and Western Europe. It is, therefore, necessary to prove if party cohesion on the European level exists. If members of European Parliament (EP) would only vote on national interest, party coalitions would not serve their purpose. There needs to be cohesion towards the coalition in order to establish real European elections instead of second order national elections. In order to achieve this it is also necessary to be able to have a public opinion that can be organized into majorities (Beetham/Lord, 2001:77). The questions, therefore, remain if the EU is able to establish even more members in its middle. It might be the case that new members would decline the party cohesion even further and that would make It even more difficult to establish true European elections. In this paper, special emphasis will be on the role of Turkey and the adoptability into the party system. The leading hypotheses will be that the cleavages lines which are important for Turkish voters are too different in order to adopt to leading European ideas. A sup-question is also if the Eastern European countries have yet performed this step. The paper will start with a normative frame that points out how an ideal democracy could work on the European level. Because of shortage of space this can not be discussed in total depth, but the presented ideas will serve as a framework. After the theoretical part, the focus will be on the European system as it works today. Special emphasis will be on the party coalitions and their impact on the voting behaviour of members of parliament (MEP). It is essential to describe why national parties have agreed to work together and what political solutions they prefer. Since there are seven coalitions in the EP today, not all can be fully analysed. Therefore, the two biggest groups (EVP-ED and SPE) will mainly be the focus, since they hold over 60% of the seats. The next part will analyse the Turkish system and what kind of issues are deciding for Turkish voters. The history of democracy will be the starting point of this analysis before the present situation will be the focus. The conclusion will, therefore, be based on the question if Turkey’s party system can adapt to the EU, and, thus, the entry of Turkey into the EU is feasible taking these conditions into account.

Does an enlargement of the European Union inhibit the party establishment of a European party system? Case study of Turkey

Massimiliano Livi

Michael Sturm

Die 1970er-Jahre gelten gemeinhin als "rotes Jahrzehnt" - eine Zuschreibung, die der Mehrdeutigkeit der Dekade nach "1968" nicht gerecht wird. In diesem Band werden politische Akteure in den Blick genommen, die sich als Alternative zur politisch-kulturellen Hegemonie der Linken verstanden. Die Politisierung der Menschen in Westeuropa, so zeigen die Beiträge, vollzog sich auch im Spektrum zwischen Christlicher Demokratie, Neokonservatismus und Rechtsextremismus - mit durchaus differenzierten Ausprägungen und mit Auswirkungen bis in die Gegenwart.

Politisierung und Mobilisierung zwischen christlicher Demokratie und extremer Rechter

Die 1970er Jahre als schwarzes Jahrzehnt

Oscar Berglund

This book summarises and critiques Extinction Rebellion (XR) as a social movement organisation, engaging with key issues surrounding its analysis, strategy and tactics. The authors suggest that XR have an underdeveloped and apolitical view of the kind of change necessary to address climate change, and that while this enables the building of broad movements, it is also an obstacle to achieving the systemic change that they are aiming for. The book analyses different forms of protest and the role of civil disobedience in their respective success or failure; democratic demands and practices; and activist engagement with the political economy of climate change. It engages with a range of theoretical perspectives that address law-breaking in protest and participatory forms of democracy including liberal political theory; anarchism and forms of historical materialism, and will be of interest to students and scholars across politics, international relations, sociology, policy studies and geography, as well as those interested in climate change politics and activism.

Breaking the Law to Change the World

Extinction Rebellion and Climate Change Activism

Seit seinem 18. Lebensjahr steht Daniel Schmidt, 33, in Hamburg-St. Pauli als Wirt hinterm Tresen. Und zwar in zweiter Generation. Nichts anderes wollte er jemals werden. Der Elbschlosskeller, direkt gegenüber vom „Goldenen Handschuh“, ist seit über 50 Jahren ununterbrochen geöffnet und gilt als härteste Kneipe Deutschlands. Hier gehen Obdachlose, Prostituierte, gestrandete Existenzen, aber auch Millionäre, Sozialpädagogen oder Anwälte ein und aus. Einzigartige Schicksale, Dramen und Tragödien spielen sich ab. Eine düstere, faszinierende Parallelwelt, in der sich nicht nur traurige, sondern auch viele schöne, weil zutiefst menschliche Momente abspielen. „Die Menschen kommen zu uns, damit sie sie selbst sein können“, sagt Daniel Schmidt, der nahezu täglich Extremsituationen erlebt – oft, aber nicht immer wird er damit fertig. Von seinem unglaublichen Leben erzählt er brutal ehrlich, überraschend reflektiert und mit ganz viel Empathie.

Daniel Schmidt

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