Niall Ferguson

A reevaluation of history's turning points as collisions between old power hierarchies and new social networks explains how networks have always existed and have been responsible for key innovations and revolutionary ideas.

Networks and Power, from the Freemasons to Facebook

The Square and the Tower

If in the year 1411 you had been able to circumnavigate the globe, you would have been most impressed by the dazzling civilizations of the Orient. The Forbidden City was under construction in Ming Beijing; in the Near East, the Ottomans were closing in on Constantinople. By contrast, England would have struck you as a miserable backwater ravaged by plague, bad sanitation and incessant war. The other quarrelsome kingdoms of Western Europe ? Aragon, Castile, France, Portugal and Scotland ? would have seemed little better. As for fifteenth-century North America, it was an anarchic wilderness compared with the realms of the Aztecs and Incas. The idea that the West would come to dominate the Rest for most of the next half millennium would have struck you as wildly fanciful. And yet it happened. What was it about the civilization of Western Europe that allowed it to trump the outwardly superior empires of the Orient? The answer, Niall Ferguson argues, was that the West developed six ?killer applications? that the Rest lacked: competition, science, democracy, medicine, consumerism and the work ethic. The key question today is whether or not the West has lost its monopoly on these six things. If so, Ferguson warns, we may be living through the end of Western ascendancy. Civilization takes readers on their own extraordinary journey around the world ? from the Grand Canal at Nanjing to the Topkapi Palace in Istanbul; from Machu Picchu in the Andes to Shark Island, Namibia; from the proud towers of Prague to the secret churches of Wenzhou. It is the story of sailboats, missiles, land deeds, vaccines, blue jeans and Chinese Bibles. It is the defining narrative of modern world history.

The West and the Rest

Civilization

Presents a portrait of Europe's most powerful banking family, tracing their influence on European finance, on political events, and on European Jewry

The House of Rothschild: Money's prophets, 1798-1848

Doom: the Politics of Catastrophe

From a bestselling historian, a daringly revisionist history of World War I The Pity of War makes a simple and provocative argument: the human atrocity known as the Great War was entirely England's fault. According to Niall Ferguson, England entered into war based on naive assumptions of German aims, thereby transforming a Continental conflict into a world war, which it then badly mishandled, necessitating American involvement. The war was not inevitable, Ferguson argues, but rather was the result of the mistaken decisions of individuals who would later claim to have been in the grip of huge impersonal forces. That the war was wicked, horrific, and inhuman is memorialized in part by the poetry of men like Wilfred Owen and Siegfried Sassoon, but also by cold statistics. Indeed, more British soldiers were killed in the first day of the Battle of the Somme than Americans in the Vietnam War. And yet, as Ferguson writes, while the war itself was a disastrous folly, the great majority of men who fought it did so with little reluctance and with some enthusiasm. For anyone wanting to understand why wars are fought, why men are willing to fight them and why the world is as it is today, there is no sharper or more stimulating guide than Niall Ferguson's The Pity of War.

Explaining World War I

The Pity of War

The author of The Pity of War argues that America is both economically and militarily the most powerful empire in history and will feel negative consequences globally and domestically as a result of imposing unrealistic timescales on interventions abroad. Reprint.

The Rise and Fall of the American Empire

Colossus

Seeks to establish a connection between industrial and technological progress and violence in the modern era, arguing that the twentieth century has been the most violent period in history in spite of unprecedented achievements. By the author of Paper and Iron. 100,000 first printing.

Twentieth-century Conflict and the Descent of the West

The War of the World

The latest work from Niall Ferguson, bestselling author of Empire, The Great Degneration is based on his 2012 BBC Reith Lectures 'The Rule of Law and Its Enemies'The decline of the West is something that has long been prophesied. Symptoms of decline are all around us today, it seems: slowing growth, crushing debts, aging populations, anti-social behaviour. But what exactly is amiss with Western civilization? The answer, Niall Ferguson argues, is that our institutions - the intricate frameworks within which a society can flourish or fail - are degenerating. Representative government, the free market, the rule of law and civil society: these were once the four pillars of West European and North American societies. It was these institutions, rather than any geographical or climatic advantages, that set the West on the path to global dominance after around 1500. In our time, however, these institutions have deteriorated in disturbing ways. Our democracies have broken the contract between the generations by heaping IOUs on our children and grandchildren. Our markets are increasingly distorted by over-complex regulations that are in fact the disease of which they purport to be the cure. The rule of law has metamorphosed into the rule of lawyers. And civil society has degenerated into uncivil society, where we lazily expect all our problems to be solved by the state.The Degeneration of the West a powerful - and in places polemical - indictment of an era of negligence and complacency. While the Arab world struggles to adopt democracy, and while China struggles to move from economic liberalization to the rule of law, Europeans and Americans alike are frittering away the institutional inheritance of centuries. To arrest the degeneration of the West's once dominant civilization, Ferguson warns, will take heroic leadership and radical reform.

How Institutions Decay and Economies Die

The Great Degeneration

A definitive portrait of the American statesman, based on unprecedented access to his private papers, challenges common misconceptions to trace Kissinger's beliefs to philosophical idealism.

Kissinger

Chronicles the evolution of finance from its origins in Mesopotamia to the modern world's most recent upheavals, covering such topics as the stock market bubble that prompted the French Revolution and the theories behind common investment vehicles.

A Financial History of the World

The Ascent of Money

Conventional wisdom has long claimed that economic change is the prime mover of political change, whether in the age of industry or Internet. But is it? Ferguson thinks it is high time we re-examined the link-the nexus, in Thomas Carlyle's phrase-between economics and politics. His central argument is that the conflicting impulses of sex, violence, and power are together more powerful than money. Among Ferguson's startling claims are: · Nothing has done more to transform the world economy than war, yet wars themselves do not have primarily economic causes. · The present age of economic globalization is coinciding-paradoxically-with political and military fragmentation. · Financial crises are frequently caused by unforeseen political events rather than economic fluctuations. · The relationship between prosperity and government popularity is largely illusory. · Since political and economic liberalization are not self-perpetuating, the so-called triumph of democracy worldwide may be short-lived. · A bold synthesis of political history and modern economic theory, Cash Nexus will transform the landscape of modern history and draw challenging conclusions about the prospects of both capitalism and democracy.

Money and Power in the Modern World, 1700-2000

The Cash Nexus

1849-1999

The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker

Alternatives and Counterfactuals

Virtual History

"...[an] excellent, just in time guide to the history of fincance and financial crisis."ùThe Washington Post --

The Lives and Time of Siegmund Warburg

High Financier

In ALWAYS RIGHT historian Niall Ferguson offers a characteristically original, incisive and witty account of Margaret Thatcher's reign – the word seems appropriate – as British Prime Minister. Denounced by her enemies as divisive and dictatorial, Thatcher was the greatest leader Britain has produced since Winston Churchill. The standard bearer for a decisive economic regime-change, she was also a social revolutionary who shook up the stagnant English class system. Yet she was a foreign policy realist, who restored her country’s standing in the world. And far from being an over-bearing prime minister, she ultimately fell victim to the machinations of Cabinet government. ALWAYS RIGHT is a fittingly frank assessment of a great woman who made history.

How Margaret Thatcher Saved Britain

Always Right

Fareed Zakaria

Is it time to reaffirm our liberal values? Or are we seeing the birth-pangs of a new era? Two great thinkers debate the question burning behind headlines across the world. ‘No civilization, no matter how mighty it may appear to itself, is indestructible.’ –Niall Ferguson ‘We do not need to invent the world anew. The international order established by the United States after World War II is in need of expansion and repair, but not reconception.’ –Fareed Zakaria Fears of a globalized world are rampant. Across the West, borders are being reasserted and old alliances tested to their limits. Could this be the end of the liberal order or will the major crises of the twenty-first century strengthen our resolve?

The End of the Liberal Order?

From the bestselling author of The Ascent of Money and The Square and the Tower, the definitive biography of Henry Kissinger, based on unprecedented access to his private papers. Winner of the Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award No American statesman has been as revered or as reviled as Henry Kissinger. Once hailed as "Super K"--the "indispensable man" whose advice has been sought by every president from Kennedy to Obama--he has also been hounded by conspiracy theorists, scouring his every "telcon" for evidence of Machiavellian malfeasance. Yet as Niall Ferguson shows in this magisterial two-volume biography, drawing not only on Kissinger's hitherto closed private papers but also on documents from more than a hundred archives around the world, the idea of Kissinger as the ruthless arch-realist is based on a profound misunderstanding. The first half of Kissinger's life is usually skimmed over as a quintessential tale of American ascent: the Jewish refugee from Hitler's Germany who made it to the White House. But in this first of two volumes, Ferguson shows that what Kissinger achieved before his appointment as Richard Nixon's national security adviser was astonishing in its own right. Toiling as a teenager in a New York factory, he studied indefatigably at night. He was drafted into the U.S. infantry and saw action at the Battle of the Bulge--as well as the liberation of a concentration camp--but ended his army career interrogating Nazis. It was at Harvard that Kissinger found his vocation. Having immersed himself in the philosophy of Kant and the diplomacy of Metternich, he shot to celebrity by arguing for "limited nuclear war." Nelson Rockefeller hired him. Kennedy called him to Camelot. Yet Kissinger's rise was anything but irresistible. Dogged by press gaffes and disappointed by "Rocky," Kissinger seemed stuck--until a trip to Vietnam changed everything. The Idealist is the story of one of the most important strategic thinkers America has ever produced. It is also a political Bildungsroman, explaining how "Dr. Strangelove" ended up as consigliere to a politician he had always abhorred. Like Ferguson's classic two-volume history of the House of Rothschild, Kissinger sheds dazzling new light on an entire era. The essential account of an extraordinary life, it recasts the Cold War world.

1923-1968: The Idealist

Kissinger: Volume 1

A bestselling historian shows how the British Empire created the modern world, in a book lauded as "a rattling good tale" (Wall Street Journal) and "popular history at its best" (Washington Post) The British Empire was the largest in all history: the nearest thing to global domination ever achieved. The world we know today is in large measure the product of Britain's Age of Empire. The global spread of capitalism, telecommunications, the English language, and institutions of representative government -- all these can be traced back to the extraordinary expansion of Britain's economy, population and culture from the seventeenth century until the mid-twentieth. On a vast and vividly colored canvas, Empire shows how the British Empire acted as midwife to modernity. Displaying the originality and rigor that have made Niall Ferguson one of the world's foremost historians, Empire is a dazzling tour de force -- a remarkable reappraisal of the prizes and pitfalls of global empire.

The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power

Empire

End of the Liberal Order?

Die Welt war schon immer vernetzt, sagt der renommierte Historiker Niall Ferguson. In seiner brillanten Analyse der sozialen Netzwerke seit der frühen Neuzeit zeigt er, welche politische und wirtschaftliche Rolle sie in der Weltgeschichte seit jeher spielen. Wir haben uns längst daran gewöhnt, in einer vernetzten Welt zu leben. Was wir oft übersehen: Soziale Netzwerke sind kein Phänomen der Gegenwart. Vielmehr haben Netzwerke aller Arten - die Aktivitäten auf den "Plätzen" - schon über Jahrhunderte hinweg die "Türme" der Herrschaftssysteme und Machtapparate beeinflusst oder gar zum Einsturz gebracht. Spanische Forscher und Eroberer stießen ganze Imperien in den Abgrund. Deutsche Buchdrucker untergruben das päpstliche Religionsmonopol. Spione, Banker, Wissenschaftler oder gar Freimaurer forderten die politischen Machthaber heraus. Niall Ferguson zeigt, dass solche Vernetzungen unterhalb der Machtebene der lang übersehene Schlüssel zum Verständnis der Geschichte sind, analysiert aber auch moderne Netzwerke wie Facebook, Google oder den "IS". Sein Fazit: Hierarchisch organisierte Staaten und Institutionen können sich nur dann dauerhaft halten, wenn sie es schaffen, sich mit den modernen Netzwerken zu arrangieren.

Niall Ferguson

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